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No País para los Viejos

Tijuana Police with Slingshots

Photo courtesy of the BBC

Given the most recent example of drug murders in Mexico, increasingly Cormac McCarthy’s seminal novel detailing violence along the US-Mexico border in 1980 seems to be coming to life. Though President Felipe Calderón instituted a major offensive against cartels upon his 2006 election, thus far the results have been more than decidedly mixed.

Last week recent raids in 19 states on the part of the US government captured more than 300 individuals suspected of ties with La Familia, one of Mexico’s most violent cartels. This major two-day operation is part of the much larger Project Coronado, which in its 4 year existence has resulted in the arrests of 1,186 individuals and the seizure of $33 million in drug cash, nearly 2,000 kilograms of cocaine, 2,730 pounds of methamphetamine, 29 pounds of heroin, 16,390 pounds of marijuana, and 389 weapons.

Though these events certainly suggest a positive trend, the reality remains that they represent a tiny dent in Mexico’s flourishing drug trade, as overall levels of violence in the country have increased since last year. Ciudad Juarez experienced more than 1,300 deaths in the first eight months of this year alone, despite an incredibly heavy police presence. Further hindering the process are allegations of corruption among local police. In Tijuana, for example, police lost the ability to carry arms for three weeks while the government investigated corruption charges, brought in Federal Police, and relegated local law enforcement to using slingshots.

Though the Calderón government certainly appears to be making a concreted effort, despite the impressive seizure records, drug cartels within Mexico show no appreciable signs of slowing down. In my opinion, the Mexican government is doing just about all they can to fight this war and I do not see major advances being made unless the United States dramatically steps up its involvement, a proposition I only see happening once innocent Americans caught up in the conflict start dying on American soil in large numbers.

Remember the Biden-Gelb measure of 2007? Didn’t think so.

It ambitiously proposed partitioning Iraq into four separate nations along sectarian, ethnic and regional lines. With the situation in Iraq rapidly deteriorating, the measure passed with 75 votes in the Senate, but was doomed by Iraqi officials who argued it entailed a long term U.S. presence and showed distrust in Iraqi security forces.

But this plan may actually be the blueprint for success in Afghanistan, a baby “democracy” largely divided by tribal dissidence and conflict. Though Hamid Karzai labels himself “big-tent” president and claims allies from across the spectrum, he caters heavily to his own people, the Pashtuns, to ensure political survival, often leaving  Tajiks, Hazaras, Uzbeks, and Turkmen minorities out in the cold.

Structural and historical realities of the state resist centralized, democratic rule and most rely on local governments, tribal councils, coalition troops and warlord rule to ensure security. A modified Biden-Gelb plan would face facts and establish a strong federal structure, diffusing power and checking local leaders to make them more accountable.

Institutions are the currency of the modern nation-state, and Afghanistan must be built upon this unmistakable truth. By reinvesting U.S. ground presence in military advisers and coordinating our efforts with local leaders, we can develop an institutional framework on military, social and political levels that can eventually constitute a strong, federalized bureaucracy.

But the White House must first determine if this war is worth fighting.

President Obama faces a double-edged sword. If the President decides to withdraw troops and Afghanistan falls, their fragile and nuclear-armed neighbor Pakistan will face grave danger. If the President calls for full implementation of General McChrystal’s recommendations, his popularity may take a substantial hit.

This war is central to our national security, and the cost of inaction could be tragic. The Biden-Gelb plan could bring stability to Afghanistan, but it is laden with sacrifices that Obama may be unwilling to make.

Gordon Brown and David Cameron.  Picture taken from telegraph.co.uk.

Shadow Prime Minister David Cameron once claimed that Gordon Brown often seems too preoccupied with saving the world than to occupy himself with the concerns of the British people. Whether this charge is true or not, the Tories have managed to maintain a 13% lead in the polls over the Labour Party, despite recent policies promising income-tax increases, reduction of public-sector payments and tax credits.

In 2011 the British debt is expected to reach a £1 trillion height and Labour seems to be doing little to combat the looming burden of payments.  Gordon Brown has proposed to sell public assets in an abnormally depressed market and thereby raise £3 billion for debt repayments. The plan should cumulatively raise approximately £16 billion, but some £13 billion will be reinvested in other public projects. The ambivalent nature of Labour’s debt management plan have only contributed to low approval ratings and sinking re-election chances.

A majority of Britons agree: budget cuts are unavoidable. Preparing for the elections that must be called by early summer, the Tory party has already begun, in general terms, to outline their planned policies. David Cameron and George Osborne, Shadow Chancellor of the Exchequer, have catered to a public desire for “straight” talk, a euphemism for realism. The Tories propose that government debt will necessitate higher taxes, but more importantly freezes on public-sector pay, reductions of tax credits and the promotion of “small” government. Continue Reading »

During the past summer, the voters of Thüringen, Germany, elected a new government – or at least they thought they had. The election results revealed a new trend in politics when, after years of majority rule over the state legislature, the Christian Democrats (CDU) gained less than 50% of the vote. Although still the largest party proportionally elected to the government, the center-right CDU acquired only 30 out of 88 seats in parliament. Due to the lack of an absolute majority, it seemed as though the CDU would be ousted from government.

Die Linke, a far-left party reminiscent of the former Social Unity Party of East Germany, won a startling 27 seats and posed a real contender for a governing coalition. Although typically considered a pariah political party, Die Linke have been known to form coalition governments with the Social Democrats (SPD: 18 seats) on occasion. If both parties could have shaken hands at the negotiating table, then a majority of 45 seats could have been attained, the magic number that the CDU previously held. Should the coalition have felt weak, they could have invited the Green party and their additional 6 seats to form a strong majority coalition.

There were, however, some catches. The SPD state-boss, Christoph Matschie, Picture taken from: www.n-tv.dedemanded that Die Linke concede the position of Minister President to an SPD official. As the clear and distinct majority partner in the coalition, it is rather obvious why Die Linke were unwilling to make this concession. Nevertheless, Matschie showed consistent hesitation towards a coalition with a party, which he deems ‘untrustworthy,’ despite urges from within his own party to cooperate. Continue Reading »

J Street — the new “pro-peace, pro-Israel” advocacy group touted as an alternative to AIPAC — is currently hosting its first conference. The run-up to the conference included much fanfare, some good and some bad. One Palestinian poet who was invited to speak at the conference was asked not to participate after it was learned he compared Guantanamo to Auschwitz. Charming.

I’ve always thought I resisted J Street’s mission, until I came to a big realization: They don’t know what their mission is. Take this Jeffrey Goldberg interview with J Street executive director Jeremy Ben-Ami. In it we learn that Ben-Ami:

  • Is a Zionist. He believes in a Jewish state of Israel.
  • Believes that the Mearsheimer and Walt screed The Israel Lobby is dishonest and possibly anti-Semitic.
  • Says U.S. military aid to Israel is vital to American security interests.

     

    Jeremy Ben-Ami

    Ben-Ami. Courtesy of Haaretz

  • Also says that this aid should not be tied to Israel’s settlement policy.
  • Credits AIPAC and other pro-Israel elements with important political victories for the pro-Israel community.
  • Supports Israel’s Law of Return, by which any Jew can immigrate to Israel and earn instant citizenship.
  • Doesn’t think the U.S. government or the American Jewish community should push Israel to talk to Hamas against the wishes of the Israeli government.
  • Denounces the “one-state solution” as both a moral and practical non-starter.

Ben-Ami also stated in another interview that “AIPAC nominally supports the notion of a two-state solution, but . . . advocating for aggressive American leadership to achieve it is not high on its priority list. For us at J Street, it’s the centerpiece of our agenda.” In other words, the difference is not in views but in priorities and strategy. Fine.

The problem is that other times J Street sounds like it attempts to be an alternative, rather than a supplement, to AIPAC. Take these comments from co-founder Alan Solomont: “We have heard the voices of neocons, and right-of-center Jewish leaders and Christian evangelicals, and the mainstream views of the American Jewish community have not been heard.”

So does J Street offer the same policy positions as AIPAC, or different ones? I think many Jewish Americans — myself included — would love an advocacy group that pushed for sensible steps toward peace — but not at the expense of successful, non-partisan groups like AIPAC. J Street needs to decide what it really wants to be: a fringe group or a complement to existing groups.

P.S. Interesting that Stephen Walt endorsed J Street. Part of his expansive and nefarious “Israel lobby” includes such J Street partners as the Israel Policy Forum.

Turkey Turning

Prime Minister Erdogan, courtesy RFE/RL

Prime Minister Erdogan, courtesy RFE/RL

A few weeks ago, the Turkish government canceled the joint military exercise  Anatolia Eagle because Turkey would not invite Israel, while the US refused to participate in an exercise that traditionally included the Israelis. While a departure from the norm, the  diplomatic fracas between Turkey, Israel and the US is just the latest development in the steady deterioration of the US and Israeli relations with Turkey since the successive 2002 and 2007 victories of the AK (Justice and Development) Party in general elections.

Turkey, with its heritage in Ataturk’s secular-nationalist vision and close ties to Western powers and ideas, has been an outlier in the Middle East. It was the second Muslim country (after Iran) to recognize Israel, and remains a NATO member. Turkey cooperated with Israel in military modernization and training, and they shared common interest in opposing Iran and Syria during the 1990s. Since 2002, though, the moderate Islamist AKP has presided over a shift in Turkish foreign policy, one heavy-handed Western actions in Turkey’s near abroad exacerbated. Turkey refused to include its forces in the 2003 invasion of Iraq, and its 2007-2008 intervention against the PKK put the US on edge.

Israeli tensions with Hamas and especially Operation Cast Lead in Gaza severely strained Turkish relations. Turkish PM Erdogan’s spat with Peres at Davos reflected of a public mood in Turkey that earlier turned against the West and Israel. The Turkish people poll strongly against America and Mein Kampf was a 2005 best-seller. A Slate piece looks into the popularity of anti-Americanism in Turkey, showcasing a blockbuster Turkish film vehemently criticizing the American invasion of Iraq and featuring Gary Busey as an organ-stealing Jewish doctor; a best-selling 2004 novel ends with Turkey hitting DC with a nuclear bomb.

Turkish national and elite interests moderate popular sentiment to some extent – but this all should trouble the US. Firstly, Turkey has always held strategic importance as a geopolitical and cultural bridge between Europe and Asia. It is a NATO member and maintains strong ties to Europe, and whether one is dealing with Russian energy politics, containing Iranian influence, or maintaining leverage in the Middle East, Turkey is an important partner. But Turkey is also held as a model of Muslim democracy – and this same democracy elected a party which will voice the preferences of its people. Democracy and American strategic interests in the Middle East will only coexist when America, and its ally Israel, pursue ends amenable to the populations who elect those democratic governments to begin with.

Most of us know Maine as the source of Poland Spring water and the vacation destination of well-to-do New Englanders. Once a spot-on bellwether of national trends, it is today regarded as one of the country’s most prominent liberal enclaves. So with Maine no longer a political game changer, what’s with all this fuss over Proposition 1?

Maine Gov. John Baldacci becomes the first governor to sign a bill legalizing same-sex marriage, May 6, 2009

Maine Gov. John Baldacci becomes the first governor to sign a bill legalizing same-sex marriage, May 6, 2009

The Pine Tree State made history last May when Gov. John Baldacci signed a bill authorizing same-sex marriage, becoming the first state to legalize same-sex marriage through legislative process rather than judicial ruling. Immediately, the outcome was hailed by LGBT rights advocates as a victory for equality. Baldacci agreed in his signing statement:

I did not come to this decision lightly or in haste. I have come to believe that this is a question of fairness and of equal protection under the law, and that a civil union is not equal to civil marriage.

Proponents of traditional marriage, emboldened by their previous success in blue California, quickly mounted enough signatures to place the question on next week’s ballot as Proposition 1. Maine’s voters will have to decide whether to accept same-sex marriage by voting NO or reject it by voting YES.

Regardless of outcome, the ramifications of this decision could be seismic. If Maine rejects Prop 1 and stands with their elected representatives and Governor, the vote could mark a turning point for LGBT activists. After all, same-sex marriage has yet to win passage in any state by popular vote.

On the other hand, if Maine passes Prop 1 and overturns their legislature, they risk following California in two ways- firstly by denying equality and secondly by establishing the problematic precedent of popular votes overturning controversial but well-reasoned legislative decisions.

By Any Other Name

Rep. Anthony Weiner, an advocate of the public option. Photo courtesy Talking Points Memo.

Rep. Anthony Weiner, an advocate of the public option. Photo courtesy Talking Points Memo.

Health care reform may have just reached a major breakthrough—or not. Only time will tell if the so-called “public option opt out” will mend the irreconcilable differences some members of Congress have over reform. The opt out would basically allow states to discontinue the public option if they wanted to, down the road of course.

Advocates of the public option like Senator Rockefeller and Representative Weiner seem on board with the opt out, as well as moderate Democrats like Bill Nelson (D-NE). He told Talking Points Memo:

While there’s support for public option generally, generically, when you start talking about it specifically as it relates to states being able to opt out or opt in, have their own, the support overwhelmingly goes up to 76 percent.

The opt out caters to both liberals and conservatives. The former likes that the public option opt out would be essentially the same as a public option, and the latter likes the autonomy it gives statehouses to choose their path. Time will tell if the opt out makes its way into final version of health care reform or not. What’s in a name anyways?

The recent flap over the Goldstone Report reminded me of some of the false accusations made against Israel during Operation Cast Lead — that the death toll was as high as Hamas claimed, that Israel was targeting UN schools, that the operation was part of some strategy of maintaining the hopes of “Greater Israel,” etc. Organizations like Human Rights Watch have even tried to raise money in the Arab world by highlighting their criticism of Israel. So I was surprised and intrigued to see Robert Bernstein, the founder of Human Rights Watch, blast his former organization for its disproportionate and dishonest approach to Israel in a Times op-ed today:

Human Rights Watch has lost critical perspective on a conflict in which Israel has been repeatedly attacked by Hamas and Hezbollah, organizations that go after Israeli citizens and use their own people as human shields. These groups are supported by the government of Iran, which has openly declared its intention not just to destroy Israel but to murder Jews everywhere. This incitement to genocide is a violation of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide.

Leaders of Human Rights Watch know that Hamas and Hezbollah chose to wage war from densely populated areas, deliberately transforming neighborhoods into battlefields. They know that more and better arms are flowing into both Gaza and Lebanon and are poised to strike again. And they know that this militancy continues to deprive Palestinians of any chance for the peaceful and productive life they deserve. Yet Israel, the repeated victim of aggression, faces the brunt of Human Rights Watch’s criticism.

New Jersey is used to being out of the national political spotlight, having spent most of the past half century as a giant strip mall with a beach for the eight million or so suburbanites crammed between New York and Philadelphia. New Jerseyans themselves are notoriously jaded when it comes to state politics, thanks to a tradition of third-worldy government corruption; according to a Gannet company poll taken over the summer, only 27% of people have a positive view of state government and at least half of all Democrats and Republicans believe the other party to be just as corrupt as theirs. This makes the broad attention payed to the current gubernatorial race all the more interesting—and arguably a little misplaced—as the candidates head into the final three weeks before the November 3rd election.

The race began with double digit leads for Chris Christie, the Republican challenger whose bid seemed like the best chance his party’s had to take the governor’s mansion since 1997. Incumbent Jon Corzine is widely viewed as ineffectual in the state thanks to near-constant tax battles with the legislature; perhaps the most broadly popular thing he’s done is appear in seatbelt infomercials after not wearing one in a near-fatal accident on the Garden State Parkway. Christie staked his claim to leadership on a strong ethics record from six years in the US Attorney’s office, where he rooted out over a hundred cases of public corruption—until his own connections to suspect no-bid contracts were revealed early last month. As the Corzine-Christie attacks have turned nastier in recent weeks, independent candidate Chris Daggett has rode the image of nonpartisan problem solver to great media acclaim (he was endorsed by the Star Ledger, the largest paper in the state) and double-digit poll numbers since his appearance in the television debates. Daggett’s rise has forced Christie to defend himself on two fronts, fighting for protest votes that would have been his were there no third man running.

As is stands today, Rasmussen gives Corzine 39%, Christie 41% and Daggett 11% of the vote. Prediction? Barring some game-changing surprise from one of the candidates, Corzine will squeak by for a second term as Christie gets nadered by Dagget. Whatever the cable pundits may argue, New Jersey’s is a poor election to wave as a referendum on the Obama administration or the state of the country on the whole. The voters are by national standards a bunch of moderate to liberal urbanites more inclined to look at the candidates and sigh before pulling the level for the devil they know. The enthusiastic highpoint of the whole race thus far was almost certainly today; when Bill Clinton came to town to rally Democrats as Corzine looked on awkwardly. President Obama is slated to show up in Hackensack tomorrow.

From left: Corzine, Daggett, Christie

From left: Corzine, Daggett, Christie

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